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The novel coronavirus (COVID-19), declared by the World Health Organization (WHO) as a global pandemic, has brought with it changes to the general way of life. Major sectors of the world industry and economy have been affected and the Internet of Things (IoT) management and framework is no exception in this regard. This article provides an up to date survey on how a global pandemic such as COVID-19 has affected the world of IoT technologies. It looks at the contributions that IoT and associated sensor technologies have made towards virus tracing, tracking and spread mitigation. The associated challenges of deployment of sensor hardware in the face of a rapidly spreading pandemic have been looked into as part of this review article. The effects of a global pandemic on the evolution of IoT architectures and management have also been addressed, leading to the likely outcomes on future IoT implementations. In general, this article provides an insight into the advancement of sensor-based E-health towards the management of global pandemics. It also answers the question of how a global virus pandemic has shaped the future of IoT networks.

Delivering the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) requires balancing demands on land between agriculture (SDG 2) and biodiversity (SDG 15). The production of vegetable oils, and in particular palm oil, illustrates these competing demands and trade-offs. Palm oil accounts for 40%1 of the current global annual demand for vegetable oil as food, animal feed, and fuel (210 million tons2 (Mt)), but planted oil palm covers less than 5-5.5%3 of total global oil crop area (ca. 425 Mha)4 , due to oil palm’s relatively high yields5. Recent oil palm expansion in forested regions of Borneo, Sumatra, and the Malay Peninsula, where >90% of global palm oil is produced, has led to substantial concern around oil palm’s role in deforestation. Oil palm expansion’s direct contribution to regional tropical deforestation varies widely, ranging from 3% in West Africa to 47% in Malaysia. Oil palm is also implicated in peatland draining and burning in Southeast Asia. Documented negative environmental impacts from such expansion include biodiversity declines, greenhouse gas emissions, and air pollution. However, oil palm generally produces more oil per area than other oil crops, is often economically viable in sites unsuitable for most other crops, and generates considerable wealth for at least some actors. Global demand for vegetable oils is projected to increase by 46% by 2050. Meeting this demand through additional expansion of oil palm versus other vegetable oil crops will lead to substantial differential effects on biodiversity, food security, climate change, land degradation, and livelihoods. Our review highlights that, although substantial gaps remain in our understanding of the relationship between the environmental, socio-cultural and economic impacts of oil palm, and the scope, stringency and effectiveness of initiatives to address these, there has been little research into the impacts and trade-offs of other vegetable oil crops. Greater research attention needs to be given to investigating the impacts of palm oil production compared to alternatives for the trade-offs to be assessed at a global scale.\ud Over the past 25 years, global oil crops have expanded rapidly, with major impacts on land use. The land used for growing oil crops grew from 170 million ha (Mha) in 1961 to 425 Mha in 2017 or ~30% of all cropland world-wide. Oil palm, soy, and rapeseed together account for >80% of all vegetable oil production with cotton, groundnuts, sunflower, olive, and coconut comprising most of the remainder (Table 1, Figure 1). These crops, including soy (125 Mha planted area) and maize (197 Mha planted area), are also used as animal feed and other products.\ud Oil palm is the most rapidly expanding oil crop. This palm originates from equatorial Africa where it has been cultivated for millennia, but it is now widely grown in Southeast Asia. Between 2008 and 2017, oil palm expanded globally at an average rate of 0.7 Mha per year, and palm oil is the leading and cheapest edible oil in much of Asia and Africa. While it has been estimated that palm oil is an ingredient in 43% of products found in British supermarkets, we lack comparable studies for the prevalence of other oils.\ud As a wild plant, the oil palm is a colonising species that establishes in open areas. Cultivated palms are commonly planted as monocultures, although the tree is also used in mixed, small-scale and agroforestry settings. To maximize photosynthetic capacity and fruit yields, oil palm requires a warm and wet climate, high solar radiation, and high humidity. It is thus most productive in the humid tropics, while other oil crops, except coconut, grow primarily in subtropical and temperate regions (Table 1). Moreover, because oil palm tolerates many soils including deep peat and sandy substrates, it is often profitable in locations where few other commodity crops are viable. The highest yields from planted oil palm have been reported in Southeast Asia5 . Yields are generally lower in Africa and the Neotropics, likely reflecting differences in climatic conditions including humidity and cloud cover, as well as management, occurrence of pests and diseases, and planting stock.\ud Palm oil is controversial due to its social and environmental impacts and opportunities. Loss of natural habitats, reduction in woody biomass, and peatland drainage that occur during site preparation are the main direct environmental impacts from oil palm development. Such conversion typically reduces biodiversity and water quality and increases greenhouse gas emissions, and, when fire is used, smoke and haze. Industrial oil palm expansion by large multi-national and national companies is also often associated with social problems, such as land grabbing and conflicts, labour exploitation, social inequity16 and declines in village-level well-being. In producer countries, oil palm is a valued crop that brings economic development to regions with few alternative agricultural development options, and generates substantial average livelihood improvements when smallholder farmers adopt oil palm. Here we review the current understanding of the environmental impacts from oil palm cultivation and assess what we know about other oil crops in comparison. Our focus is on biodiversity implications and the environmental aspects of sustainability, and we acknowledge the importance of considering these alongside socio-cultural, political, and economic outcomes.

Setting: A comparison of routine Namibia National Malaria Programme data (reported) vs. household survey data (administrative) on indoor residual spraying (IRS) in western Zambezi region, Namibia, for the 2014-2015 malaria season. Objectives: To determine 1) IRS coverage (administrative and reported), 2) its effect on malaria incidence, and 3) reasons for non-uptake of IRS in western Zambezi region, Namibia, for the 2014-2015 malaria season. Design: This was a descriptive study. Results: IRS coverage in western Zambezi region was low, ranging from 42.3% to 52.2% for administrative coverage vs. 45.9-66.7% for reported coverage. There was no significant correlation between IRS coverage and malaria incidence for this region (r = -0.45, P = 0.22). The main reasons for households not being sprayed were that residents were not at home during spraying times or that spray operators did not visit the households. Conclusions: IRS coverage in western Zambezi region, Namibia, was low during the 2014-2015 malaria season because of poor community engagement and awareness of times for spray operations within communities. Higher IRS coverage could be achieved through improved community engagement. Better targeting of the highest risk areas by the use of malaria surveillance will be required to mitigate malaria transmission. Contexte : Une comparaison des donnees de routine du programme national de lutte centre le paludisme de Namibie (rapportees) et des donnees d'enquete dans les foyers (administratives) relatives a la pulverisation d'insecticide a effet remanent (IRS) dans la region ouest du Zambeze, en Namibie, pour la saison 2014–2015 du paludisme.Objectifs : Determiner 1) la couverture de l'IRS (administrative et rapportee), 2) son effet sur l'incidence du paludisme, et 3) les raisons de la non couverture de l'IRS dans la region ouest du Zambeze, Namibie, pendant la saison 2014–2015 du paludisme.Schema : Une etude descriptive.Resultats : La couverture de l'IRS dans la region ouest du Zambeze a ete faible, allant de 42,3% a 52,2% pour la couverture administrative contre 45,9% a 66,7% pour la couverture rapportee. Il n'y a pas eu de correlation significative entre couverture de l'IRS et incidence du paludisme dans cette region (r = −0,45 ; P = 0,22). Les raisons majeures pour lesquelles les foyers n'ont pas beneficie de pulverisations ont ete l'absence des residents a leur domicile lors de la pulverisation ou, inversement, la non-venue des operateurs de pulverisation dans les foyers.Conclusions : La couverture de l'IRS dans la region ouest du Zambeze, Namibie, a ete faible pendant la saison 2014–2015 du paludisme en raison de l'engagement mediocre de la communaute et de la meconnaissance des dates d'operations de pulverisation dans les communautes. Une couverture plus elevee de l'IRS pourrait etre obtenue avec une meilleur engagement de la communaute. Un meilleur ciblage des zones a risque les plus eleves en utilisant la surveillance du paludisme sera requis pour attenuer la transmission du paludisme. Marco de referencia: Una comparacion de los datos corrientes del Programa Nacional contra el Paludismo de Namibia (notificados), con los datos de una encuesta domiciliaria (administrativos) sobre la fumigacion de interiores con insecticidas de efecto residual (IRS) en la region occidental de Zambezi en Namibia, durante la temporada de paludismo del 2014–2015.Objetivos: Determinar 1) la cobertura de la IRS (administrativa y notificada), 2) su efecto sobre la incidencia de paludismo, y 3) las razones de la falta de IRS en la region occidental de Zambezi, en Namibia, durante la temporada de paludismo del 2014–2015.Metodo: Un estudio descriptivo.Resultados: La cobertura de la IRS en la region occidental de Zambezi fue baja, del 42,3% al 52,2% segun la cobertura administrativa, en comparacion con el 45,9% al 66,7% segun la cobertura notificada. paludismo en la region (r = −0,45; P = 0,22). Las principales razones por las cuales no se fumigaron los domicilios fueron que los residentes no se encontraban presentes en el momento de la fumigacion o que los operadores de fumigacion no visitaron los hogares.Conclusiones: La cobertura de la fumigacion de interiores con insecticidas de efecto residual en la region occidental de Zambezi, en Namibia, fue baja durante la temporada de paludismo del 2014–2015 por falta de participacion comunitaria y de conocimiento de los horarios de fumigacion en las comunidades. La cobertura se puede ampliar si se fomenta el compromiso comunitario y es necesario dirigir mejor las campanas a las zonas de mayor riesgo, segun lo indiquen los datos de la vigilancia del paludismo, con el proposito de disminuir la transmision de la enfermedad.

Background: Studies documenting the socioeconomic impact of education leading to employment of rural youth, specifically in the healthcare professions, are lacking. The Umthombo Youth Development Foundation (UYDF) is an NGO that provides financial support for rural students to train as healthcare professionals (HCPs) as a way of addressing staff shortages at rural hospitals. The aim of this study was to understand the social and economic impact on individuals and their families of qualifying as an HCP and being employed at a rural district hospitalMethodology: A mixed methodology was used to collect data from 40 graduates at eight district hospitals in rural KwaZulu-Natal province. The research tools had qualitative and quantitative questions, with additional data being extracted from the UYDF database. The qualitative data were analysed thematically, with STATA software being used for the quantitative analysis.Results: The findings indicate that graduate household assets increased significantly, as did their socioeconomic circumstances, compared with before they qualified as HCPs. Graduates attached high value to education that led to their employment, which provided them with money to afford assets. Having a permanent job and regular income also transformed their families’ lives, as they were able to care for their siblings and extended family members.Conclusions: Training rural youth for employment in scarce skills that leads to employment, such as a career in the health sciences, boosts their socioeconomic circumstances and that of their families. This contributes to the staffing of rural hospitals, job creation and the economic development of the country.

Recent work on assessing household food insecurity has focused mainly on experiential-based measures using qualitative survey questions. In this paper, we employed two quantitative measures to estimate prevalence rates for household food insecurity in South Africa. One measure, termed food poverty, assessed whether the amount spent by a household on food was inadequate to purchase a low cost food plan. Low energy availability assessed whether the food energy available to a household, through its purchases and home production, was less than the sum of its members' recommended energy intakes. The 1995 Income and Expenditure Survey, a large representative survey of South African households (n = 28,704), was used for this secondary data analysis. Results showed that 43% of households were in food poverty in October 1995, and 55% had a low energy availability. These indicators allowed classification of households into four groups: food poverty only; low energy availability only; food insecure on both measures; and food secure. These groups differed on various aspects of household food consumption, suggesting that these indicators can be used to target different types of interventions to meet specific needs. Both bivariate and multivariate analyses showed that households that were food insecure on both measures were more likely to be in rural areas, have low incomes or large household sizes, and be headed by Africans or individuals of mixed ancestry. These patterns of food insecurity were corroborated by previous research on income poverty and nutritional status, suggesting that food poverty and low energy availability are useful, quantitative indicators for assessing food insecurity in South Africa.

Small-scale agriculture is one of the few tools available to support improved rural livelihoods on a significant scale in South Africa. Access to output markets is a key factor in generating higher incomes. The rise of modern markets (supermarkets in particular) is generally viewed as positive for the rural poor, although most commentators accede that there are challenges to be overcome in obtaining access to such markets. These challenges are generally perceived as supply-side issues: That is, the "fault" for market exclusion lies largely with small producers - their production methods, their business organisation and their location - rather than with these markets themselves. This study asserts that much of the research that has been undertaken in this area is in fact incomplete, because it has excluded two key issues: The likely impact of the dominant supermarket business model on small farmers; and the actual position of small farmers in those countries with high levels of supermarket concentration. A closer examination of the supermarket model suggests it is inherently hostile towards smaller producers. The South African food retail market structure resembles that of industrialised countries rather than developing countries. Therefore, we should expect that the position of South African small farmers vis-a-vis supermarkets is similar to that of small farmers in industrialised countries, who are increasingly excluded from these value chains.

The 2011 South African national census shows a cohort of young adults comprising an increasing share of the population. This finding is borne out in longitudinal data from the Agincourt Health and Demographic Surveillance System (HDSS). This primarily descriptive paper uses the Agincourt HDSS to examine the migration, employment and unemployment patterns in young adults. The study reveals high levels of temporary labour migration linking rural areas to metropolitan areas and secondary urban places. The type of work conducted by young adults in the Agincourt population is predominantly unskilled labour for both sexes. However, there is some evidence of female employment increasing in more educated sectors. Across all working ages there is pronounced unemployment, but the main pressure is felt by the younger adult population. Education and skills development for both sexes should be strengthened to support the country’s efforts to vastly improve labour force participation amongst the youth.